Tampilkan postingan dengan label Genosida. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label Genosida. Tampilkan semua postingan

Selasa, 17 Januari 2012

Human rights abuses and the question of genocide in West Papua

Asia-Pacific Journalism, Pacific Media Centre

18 January, 2012
 
Papua Human Rigths (foto PMC)
After a period of Dutch control, possession of West Papua was handed to Indonesia in a deal brokered by the US. This deal, known as the New York Agreement of 1962, promised West Papuan self-determination which led to the 1969 Act of Free Choice. This act, later branded as the “Act of No Choice”, was stripped of any legitimacy as a little more than 1000 hand-picked West Papuans representing a population of close to one million voted unanimously under military threats and coercion to retain Indonesian sovereignty. Reported incidents of human rights abuses inflicted on the West Papuan people at the mercy of the Indonesian military includes widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, sexual violence, transmigration schemes, forced relocation, and the spread of infectious diseases such as HIV which has seriously harmed the existence of the West Papuan people. This article is a newspaper analysis of the Jakarta Globe, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald media coverage. Nigel Moffiet reports.


ANALYSIS: It can be argued that Indonesian abuses in West Papua are crimes consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide as a consequence of exploitation, transmigration, West Papuan displacement, targeted military brutality at West Papuan communities, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases. Given genocide is not a term to use lightly extreme caution must be made in using the label so as to avoid “the risk of setting up taxonomies of genocide, or opening crucial space in debates for re-engaging precisely the kinds of discourses that enable and naturalise it in the first place” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 586). Yet, the debate is taken seriously with the interests of ‘prevention and restitution rather than simply definition in order to “more effectively work backwards to a deeper and more practical understanding of how genocide happens” (Banivanua-Mar, 2008, p. 596-597). In this context, I also carry out media analysis and reportage of West Papuan human rights abuses and the question of genocide by The Jakarta Post, The New Zealand Herald, and The Sydney Morning Herald.
  
Analysing human rights abuses within West Papua involved searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” within the archives of the three newspapers’ respective search engines. Surprisingly, the Jakarta Post had the most content fitting this description with 25 articles, followed by the Sydney Morning Herald with five articles and The New Zealand Herald with six.

Exploitation of West Papuan land and resources

The province of West Papua is rich in natural resources and since Indonesian rule government and military officials have been involved in the extraction this wealth through mining and forestry. The consequences of this exploitation has been dire for the Papuan people and has led to human rights abuses as observed by West Papuan campaigner John Rumbiak who stated that “all abuses in West Papua were caused by military and police presence aimed at protecting mining firms, forest concessions and timber estates exploiting natural resources”(Wing & King, 2005, p. 2).

Part of the systematic abuse towards the Melanesian people of West Papua included denying them the right to work or gain any wealth from their own natural resources in favour of generating work and wealth for the Indonesian Javanese population. On a 1980 visit to West Papua, a US professor noted a “planned influx of Indonesian workers, including more than 2000 families that were scheduled to be ‘dropped’ near two major oilfields in order to implement a ‘policy of non-employment of Melanesians in the oil industry’” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26).  This is also evident in the US-owned Freeport copper mine which in 1982 employed 452 expatriates, 1859 Indonesians, and only 200 Papuans who were employed as unskilled laborers” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26).

Intensifying the problem is the relocation of villages due the seizure of land. In June 1980, the Amungme tribe from the Tembagapura region were relocated to a coastal area that had widespread malaria creating an epidemic that killed 216 children. Freeport failed to provide food or medicine during the epidemic and the Indonesian government failed to assist despite the official acknowledgement of the epidemic” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 26-27).

The exploitation of West Papua’s timber resources and exploitation of West Papuan labour is another problem with evidence of serious breaches of human rights. One of the documents of abuse includes the relocation of the Asmat tribe from the southern coast of West Papua by Jakarta-based timbre companies. The Asmat people were forced into compulsory labour which included the deforestation of their own land at below-subsistence wages with threats of arrest for those who refused to work. This relocation and enforced labour within the timber industry had such an impact that an Indonesian environmental group warned that the Asmat people were “on the brink of cultural starvation after a decade of enforced ironwood logging” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 28).

A major 2005 report by Indonesian based environmental organisation Tilapia and the UK and US-based Environmental Investigation Agency found that the Indonesian military and government officials are involved in the illegal smuggling of up to 300,000 cubic meters of timber a month from Papua to China. This illegal smuggling is valued at more than US $1 billion (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).

Transmigration and West Papuan displacement
As well as forcing many West Papuan tribes and communities from their land in order to exploit natural resources, Indonesia has also carried out systematic transmigration policy that has been designed to strip the West Papuan people of their identity making them minorities on their own land. By the end of 1984, the Indonesian government had set up 24 transmigration sites across 700,000 hectares of reappropriated West Papuan land. This resulted in 27,726 Indonesian families relocating on West Papuan land; close to 140,000 people over 10 years. Further more, the Indonesian government required that “Papuans be dispersed, with one Papuan family to every nine Javanese families, thus ensuring that the Papuans would become a minority in each area” (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 33).

This has resulted in the marginalisation of West Papuans within the cities as second class citizens to the extent that “propaganda posters sponsored by the ‘Project for the Guidance of Alien Societies’” urged the Papuans to relinquish their inefficient and primitive ways for the superior lifestyle of the Indonesians (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). As well as marginalisation within their own communities, transmigration has “led to the loss of traditional lands and forests where once local tribes used to hunt and gather food. There is no transfer of knowledge and technology to substitute for lost basic rights’ (Wing & King, 2005, p. 4).

Increased presence of Indonesian military

In a 2005, in a University of Sydney report for the West Papua Project, it was concluded that “the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) in Papua are the main source of suffering and instability in the province” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 2). Human rights abuses carried out by the Indonesian armed forces is only escalating as troop build up in the West Papuan region continues with incidents of rape, torture and extrajudicial killings. In 1981, the Indonesian military launched Operation Clean Sweep which resulted in rapes, assaults, killings, and looting of villages if anybody was suspected to be part of the Papuan independence movement Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29). The operation aimed to “intimidate those suspected of supporting the OPM and to cleanse the boarder regions of Papua to make room for Javanese migrants”. Survivors of the operation reported that “whole families had been bayoneted to death and their bodies left to rot”. The Indonesian military also had the slogan: “Let the rats run into the jungle so that the chickens can breed in the coop.” By the summer of 1981 the operation escalated into the Central Highlands of West Papua were the Indonesian armed forces responded to suspected OPM activity by bombing the village of Madi in the Paniai basin. The attack included the use of napalm and chemical weapons against the villagers and killed at least 2500 people with estimates that the death toll could have even reached 13,000 (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 29).

Since then, Indonesian troop buildups have continued and between 2005 and 2009 up to 15,000 extra troops were deployed throughout the West Papuan region (Wing & King, 2005, p. 13). The result of this military buildup is that there is an increased level of human rights abuses and violent clashes between resistant West Papuans and the Indonesian military. This is catastrophic for local communities as the incidents are “used to justify the deployment of new troop reinforcements, which in turn lead to greater human rights abuses, reaction from aggrieved Papuans, then further militarisation. A dangerous and destructive spiral is thus perpetuated” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 7).

The spread of serious disease and HIV/AIDS

The disruption and upheaval to traditional West Papuan existence brought about through Indonesian colonisation and exploitation of the regions natural resources has also led to the spreading of serious disease. A Dutch missionary working in West Papua during the 1980s said infant mortality rates in the region were above 60 percent, and the average life expectancy no more than 31 years (Brundidge et al, 2004, p. 34). Of grave concern is the spread of HIV infection which is rising dramatically in the region to the extent that 40 per cent of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS cases were located in Papua despite accounting for less than one per cent of Indonesia’s population. Another figure from 2002 shows that just over 20 people per 100,000 were infected with HIV in Papua, compared to only 0.42 people per 100,000 in the rest of Indonesia (Brundige et al, 2004, p. 34). Much has been suggested of Indonesia’s responsibility for the spread of such disease throughout the Melanesian population to the extent human rights groups say the spread of HIV is the result of systematic attempts to destroy the Melanesian population of West Papua. Interviews conducted with workers in Jayapura and Merauke who deal with prostitution and the spread of HIV suggest clear evidence “that there is security force involvement in prostitution at different levels” (Wing & King, 2005, p. 8). Leo Mahuye, a health worker in Merauke says HIV is spread by prostitutes who are brought in by the military to the extent that there is “an indication it is systematic killing…[a]s long as they are importing these women, as long as the military and the police back these activities here, they are committing killings” (Butt, 2005, p. 413).

The Jakarta Post

Searching for the words “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Jakarta Post’s online search engine returned 21 relevant articles between 2001 and 2011 relating to genocide and human rights abuses in the region. The articles were a mix of 14 opinion pieces and six news reports, as well as one question and answer article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak.

Of these 21 articles, one opinion piece and one news report both addressed the issue of genocide in the headlines. The first article published on 8 January 2001 titled “Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?” and despite its title it does more to contextualise the nature of genocide throughout history rather than draw any strong conclusions on West Papua. The article references the nature of genocide in Germany, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Burundi and makes the statement that the “cycle of genocidal society, which is already apparent in Maluku and other regions, must be broken by effective law enforcement measures”. The article makes this statement without any reference to West Papua or without further contextual evidence to back the statement up.

An article published on 19 August 2005 titled “RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua” does more to address human rights abuses and genocide in West Papua in light of the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report Genocide in West Papua? The article provides diverging view points with Indonesia’s foreign ministry spokesman, Marty Natalagawa, calling the report “baseless” and Indonesia’s deputy military spokesman, Bibit Santoso, labeling the report “incorrect and untrue”. Yet the article uses more space quoting from the report and the centre’s director Stuart Rees, who says even though he is cautious using the word “genocide” this “significant document details the destruction of a people, their land and prospects”. The article also quotes one of Papua’s leading church figures, Rev. Socratez Yoman, who talks of the Indonesian military intimidation and says wherever there are Indonesian soldiers, “the militia and jihadists are there too. They are inseparable.”

There were five remaining news articles which addressed human rights abuses in West Papua and the issue of genocide through the sources that had been quoted. An article published on 8 April 2006 titled “Netherlands ‘respects’ RI territorial integrity” does little to address the issue of human rights abuse in West Papua rather it focuses mostly on the Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende’s recognition of Indonesia’s territorial integrity including Papua’s integration into Indonesia. It also focuses on Indonesian criticism of Australia’s decision to grant temporary visas to 42 Papuan asylum seekers. In this criticism the article mentions the Papuan activists have accused Jakarta of genocide.

A news article published on 20 May 2006 titled “RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty” focuses on Indonesia’s effort to ‘get assurances that no neighboring country will support the succession of Papua from Indonesia’ and asking for Australia to “express its commitment to Indonesia’s territorial integrity in a written agreement”.  Once again the article does little to address issues of human rights in the region by failing to quote West Papuan sources. It only puts some context to the story by saying that the “Papuans, including pro-independence activists and their families, have accused Jakarta of ‘genocide’ in Papua”.

The remaining articles focused more heavily on human rights abuses and the question of genocide. A news article published on 9 June 2007 titled “Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands” focused on the visit of UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders Hina Jilani’s visit to the region. The article draws many sources and quotes around human rights abuses and the issue of genocide quoting West Papuan’s who had pleaded with Jilani and the UN to “stop the genocide of the Papuans” and “stop the killing in west Papua”. An article published on 27 January 2011 titled “RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture”  focuses on the torture of two West Papuan and calls for the Indonesian soldiers who committed the torture to be tried in a civilian court rather than an Indonesian military tribunal. Lastly an article published on 18 October 2011 titled “ 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people's congress” focuses on the congress looking at the issue of human rights abuses in the region. It quotes organizing chairman Selpius Bobii who says “we greatly need support and solidarity from every party that upholds the values of democracy, basic human rights, honesty and justice for the sake of protecting the people of Papua from genocide”.

 The remaining opinion pieces provided various forms of context to the human rights abuses in West Papua written mostly by outside observers. The most critical opinion piece was written by Roman Catholic Priest Neles Tebay on 28 September 2006 titled “More questions for the ICG on Papua issue”. The article strongly criticises the findings of the International Crisis Group who denied allegation of genocide in West Papua and downplayed any human rights abuses in the region. Tebay asks “what was or were the true intent(s) of the military operations conducted against the Papuans then, if not to wipe out the people in whole or in part?”

Finally, a question and answers article with West Papuan human rights campaigner John Rumbiak on 24 March 2000 titled “No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya” does a lot to provide context and a West Papuan view point to the situation in the region. It adds context to the abuses with reference to the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the political circumstances surrounding the act and Rumbiak articulates West Papuan grievances on a number of levels.

The New Zealand Herald
Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on The New Zealand Herald’s online search engine drew only five relevant articles dating from 1999 (two articles have not been dated).  Of these five articles, two are opinion pieces by Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, one is an opinion piece by former President of East Timor Jose Ramos-Horta, one news piece that briefly mentions Yosepha Alomang’s award for her “resistance against the destruction of rainforest, rivers and local culture caused by decades of gold mining in West Papua”, and another article that questions the right of four Indonesian military officers to study at Massey University in light of Indonesian military brutality.

Maire Leadbeater’s article (undated) titled “On the brink of genocide” is critical of the Pacific Islands Forum leaders' failure to address the issue of West Papua. In the article she contextualises West Papua by drawing parallels to East Timor and by mentioning the 1969 Act of Free Choice and the consequences of the act. She draws on human rights estimates that 100,000 Papuans have been killed as a result of Indonesian military brutality and she references The University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report to make her claim that the situation in West Papua is approaching genocide.

Leadbeater’s second article (undated) “West Papuans Face Masters of Terror” cited the Yale report to draw attention towards crimes against humanity including “torture, disappearance, rape, extra-judicial killings and destruction of resources” and that the report “strongly indicated a breach of the United Nations genocide convention”.

Jose Ramos-Horta’s opinion piece on 13 September 1999 titled “A terrible price to pay for freedom” again draws a parallel between West Papua and East Timor and raises the question of crimes against humanity, including genocide.

The Sydney Morning Herald

Searching for “West Papua” and “genocide” on The Sydney Morning Herald online search engine retrieved five relevant articles including two opinion pieces and three news articles between 2007 and 2011.

An opinion piece by Jennifer Robinson on 12 September 2011 titled “Leaks reveal it’s past time to speak for West Papua” draws attention to human rights abuses in the region and the level of surveillance and lack of transparency for journalists and human rights watch groups. On a visit to West Papua for a human rights group she mentions she was warned by an Australian diplomat that her “human rights work risked ‘becoming a political football'’ for [the Australian] government and that [she] was to ‘'keep [her] head down’”.

An opinion piece by Greg Poulgrain on 31 December 2009 titled “Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua” draws on West Papua’s colonial context since the Dutch and states that “[m]ilitary dominance in West Papua began in the 1960s and documents released under freedom-of-information from the US embassy in Jakarta in 1968 refer to the possibility of genocide occurring even then”.

On 18 June 2010 a news article titled “Papuans rally for independence” covers West Papuan protest to “reject the region’s special autonomy within Indonesia and demand a referendum on self-determination”. On 21 November 2009 a news article titled “Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner's murder” refers to the killing of an Australian mine worker in West Papua as the result of an Indonesian military assault. And on 27 March 2007 an article titled “Report warns against Lombok Treaty” refers to a security treaty with Indonesia that potentially restricts Australia's ability to speak out about human rights abuses. The article goes on to reference the University of Sydney’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies report on genocide in the region and quotes that “Australia will be providing training, funding and material aid to Indonesian forces who are engaged in what many Papuans believe is genocide against their people”.

Conclusion
Through widespread violence, killings, torture, disappearance, rape, exploitation of land, transmigration, and the systematic spread of infectious diseases, the West Papuan people are suffering human rights abuses at the hands of the Indonesian military to the extent that the nature of the abuses are consistent with the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In terms of facing the nature of these human rights abuses and raising the question of genocide directly, the Jakarta Post was more consistent than either The Sydney Morning Herald or The New Zealand Herald in raising these issues within its content. The New Zealand Herald and The Sydney Morning Herald both had very limited content raising the question of genocide within West Papua. However, The Sydney Morning Herald had a more diverse and relevant spread of content in relation to human rights abuses and the question of genocide within West Papua whereas if it was not for the opinion pieces of Auckland Indonesian Human Rights Committee spokeswomen Maire Leadbeater, The New Zealand Herald would have had next to no content at all on this issue.

Nigel Moffiet researched and wrote this report as an Asia-Pacific Journalism postgraduate assignment at AUT University.

References
Books and journal articles:
Banivanua-Mar, T. (2008). ‘A thousand miles of cannibal lands’: imagining away genocide in the re-colonization of West Papua. Journal of Genocide Research, 10(4), December, 583-602.

Brundige, E.; King, W.; Vahali, P.; Vladeck, S.; Yuan, X. (2004). Indonesian human rights abuses in West Papua: Application of the law of genocide to the history of Indonesian control. Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School.

Butt, L. (2005). ‘Lipstick girls’ and ‘Fallen women’: AIDS and conspirational thinking in Papua, Indonesia. Cultural Anthropology, 20(3), pp. 412-442.

Kirsch, S. (2010). Ethnographic representations and the Politics of Violence in West Papua. Critique of Anthropology, 30(1), pp. 3-22.

Sautman, B. (2006). Cultural genocide and Asian state peripheries. New York : Palgrave Macmillan

 Wing, J. & King, P. (2005). Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people. West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney.

News articles:
The Jakarta Post (2000). No letup in security approach spells trouble in Irian Jaya

The Jakarta Post (2000). West Papua: Will it become the next East Timor for Indonesia?

The Jakarta Post (2001). Is Indonesia becoming a genocidal society?

The Jakarta Post (2002). Soeharto and the grand scheme of things

The Jakarta Post (2005). RI condemns report by Aussie researchers on genocide in Papua

The Jakarta Post (2005). Founding West Irian Jaya province

The Jakarta Post (2006). Netherlands 'respects' RI territorial integrity

The Jakarta Post (2006). How to protect Papuans -- and RI-Australia ties

The Jakarta Post (2006). RI asks Australia to recognise territorial integrity in treaty

The Jakarta Post (2006). More questions for the ICG on Papua issue

The Jakarta Post (2007). Papuans greet UN envoy with rallies, demands

The Jakarta Post (2007). Indigenous languages in danger of disappearing

The Jakarta Post (2008). The possibility of indicting Soeharto after his death

The Jakarta Post (2008). On Timor Leste's present situation

The Jakarta Post (2008). New strategy behind separatism in Papua

The Jakarta Post (2009). He ain't heavy, he's a brother from Papua
  
The Jakarta Post (2009). Munir and the protection of rights defenders

The Jakarta Post (2009). Issues: `Who is responsible for poverty in Papua?'

The Jakarta Post (2010). Text your say: Gus Dur or Soeharto?

The Jakarta Post (2011). RI, int’l public push for civilian court for torture

The Jakarta Post (2011). 5000 attend 3rd Papuan people’s congress

NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: On the brink of genocide

NZ Herald (n.d.). Maire Leadbeater: West Papuans face masters of terror

NZ Herald (1999). A terrible price to pay for freedom

NZ Herald (2000). Soldier students to finish studies

NZ Herald (2001) Journalists share top environment award

The Sydney Morning Herald (2007). Report warns against Lombok Treaty

The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Death in Papua: political intrigue clouds miner's murder

The Sydney Morning Herald (2009). Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua

The Sydney Morning Herald (2010). Papuans rally for independence

The Sydney Morning Herald (2011). Leaks reveal it's past time to speak for West Papua

Blood money - Metro magazine
Genocide in West Papua?

Kamis, 12 Januari 2012

Population Census data, 30 percent of Papua, and Arrivals 70 Percent

Papuan (foto Jubi)

Voice of Baptist Papua---Jubi Head of Papua, Alex Rumaseb, admitted from the existing data, the rate of migration to Papua per year is 6.39 percent. So that from the population census data, there are actually 30 percent of Papuans and migrants are 70 percent. Migration flows that come to Papua as influenced four important motivation, namely money, building materials, foodstuff and the person or people who come to Papua.

Even former Secretary Paniai recognition of this, it came to the Papua migration, the more poor people and tended and managed to 'catch' return the money, building materials and foodstuffs. Papuans not 'catch' it. As I illustrate the term 'catch' with the title facing west.


"They (the poor migration) facing westward 'catch' these four things," Rumaseb illustrations are present as a discussant in a book review, the work of Anthony Ayorbaba in his second book with the title The Way Papua: Latent Conflict Dynamics and Reflections 10 Years of Autonomy Papua.
In fact the word Rumaseb, Papua is the three regions in the world that determines the world in the future, because natural resources are very 'sexy' and ogled the world. "We have a variety of biological, cultural, natural beauty and wealth and wisdom," said Rumaseb.
But again the word man derived Biak-Toraja, Papua that fact has always been setting opinion that surfaced as an area of ​​conflict. That is why according to Rumaseb, what was written by Anthony Ayorbaba in the works of his book that is a fact of which is now happening.
"What is written is that we live in today," said Rumaseb are present as a discussant in a thick 313 page book review on Monday, (9 / 1) in the Auditorium of RRI Jayapura.
In the same place, Pdt. DR. M.Th. Mawene STT GKI IS academics. Kijne Abepura in conclusion recognize books written specially Ayorbaba that autonomy is not a road between or middle ground, but two different poles ie between staying in the Republic of Indonesia or Independent, but a temporary road.
Opinion was expressed from the point of view as someone who was born and raised in Papua and who prefers to consider himself a Papuan.
Voices of Papua Tabloid owner, Hana Hikoyabi in his speech as the publisher of the book, acknowledged, talked about the Special Autonomy (Autonomy) Papua, there are four things that people actually want to achieve through the implementation of the Papua Special Autonomy Law of Papua, among other physical and non physical development for the residents Papua, the implementation of affirmative action policies for indigenous Papuans, the recognition of the existence of indigenous peoples and settlement of political problems and past human rights.
But what happens Hikoyabi words, just to the west of Papua Province is separated into West Papua Province. Kusus autonomy for Papua Province also requires legal certainty that are urgent and immediate.
"This is important so as not to create barriers to accelerated development, kususnya social, economic and political as well as infrastructure," said Hikoyabi

Minggu, 08 Januari 2012

Sluipende genocide in West-Papua

Map Wes Papua Indonesia
Onderstaand artikel bestaat uit gedeeltes van publicaties op andere sites en de links daarnaartoe, met dank aan @PurePapua. Er een eigen verhaal van maken is feitelijk de taak van de dames en heren journalisten en de krantenredacties in NL, maar we weten allemaal wat we aan die mensen hebben: niks nul nada zip. In mijn opinie wordt 80% van wat er werkelijk gebeurt in de wereld verzwegen en de 19% waarvan bericht wordt, bestaat uit politiek (correct) gestuurde propaganda en prietpraat (1% wil nog wel eens door de (zelf)censuur glippen en redelijk conform de waarheid zijn). Het klopt, dat de Indonesische autoriteiten het journalisten onmogelijk maken daar te werken, maar dat zou juist alle alarmbellen moeten doen rinkelen en een aansporing moeten zijn voor een echte (!) journalist om de zaak te onderzoeken.


Sluipende genocide in West-Papua

Er speelt zich een proces af van sluipende genocide op de westelijke helft van het eiland Nieuw-Guinea. Op het voormalige Nederlandse deel van Nieuw-Guinea, dat via een door velen als schandalig betiteld referendum in 1969 in Indonesische handen kwam, zijn veel politieke moorden gepleegd. Maar de Indonesische militairen hebben zich ook schuldig gemaakt aan massamoorden.
De Biak-massamoord is een trieste gebeurtenis die destijds in de reguliere media voorkwam. De meeste moorden zijn echter nooit in de krant verschenen. Daarvoor zijn verschillende redenen aan te voeren. Ten eerste mogen er geen journalisten naar het Indonesische Papua. De regering en de militaire leiding zijn bang dat journalisten gaan schrijven over de misstanden die plaats vinden in de Indonesische provincie. Een tweede reden is dat er vrijwel geen hulporganisaties worden toe gelaten in Papua. Een derde reden is dat de kerken, de Papua´s zijn christelijk, geen bekendheid geven aan de onderdrukking van de Papua´s. Een vierde reden is dat de Papua´s geen eensluidende groep mensen zijn, maar dat er verschillen bestaan tussen Papua´s onderling in hun opvatting en visie.
Yale rapport
De gerenommeerde Amerikaanse Universiteit Yale (Yale Law School) bracht in november 2003 een rapport uit met betrekking tot de situatie van de mensenrechten in West Papua sinds de inlijving van het gebied door Indonesië na de zogeheten "Act of free Choice" in 1969. De titel van het Rapport luidt: "Indonesian Human Rights Abuses in West Papua: Application of the Law of Genocide to the History of Indonesian Control." De Nederlandse vertaling luidt ongeveer als volgt: "Indonesische Mensenrechtenschendingen in West Papua: Toepassing van de Wet van Genocide op de Geschiedenis onder Indonesisch Bewind." Het 76 pagina's tellende rapport gaat uitvoerig in op de door Indonesië in de loop van 40 jaar bezetting (1963 – 2003) begane wandaden, gemeten naar Internationale normen met betrekking tot genocide.
Het Rapport beschrijft hoe sinds de Indonesiërs de macht over het gebied krijgen middels de bovengenoemde "Act of Free Choice" van 1969 de Papua´s behandeld zijn als tweederangsburgers in hun eigen land, beroofd van hun recht van zelfbeschikking en onderworpen aan ernstige mensenrechtenschendingen, begaan door Indonesische autoriteiten. Men noemt de gewelddadige militaire campagnes en buitenrechterlijke moorden op duizenden West Papua´s. Duizenden zijn onderworpen aan martelingen, verdwijningen, willekeurige arrestaties, detenties, verkrachting of andere vormen van serieus mentaal en lichamelijk letsel. De Indonesische regering verjaagt de West Papua´s van hun land, exploiteert hun natuurlijke rijkdommen, vernietigt hun eigendommen en gewassen, minacht en vernietigt hun cultuur, en sluit hen uit van de hogere gouvernementsfuncties, het zakenleven en goed onderwijs.
Onder de link het eerste deel van de visie van Zacharias Sawor op het  Yale's rapport inzake mensenrechten in West Papua
Een aantal publicaties in het Engels.


Zie voor actuele ontwikkelingen:

Voor de Twitteraars, volg
@PurePapua
@westpapuamedia
@FreeWestPapua
@etan009
@akrockefeller

Minggu, 01 Januari 2012

De Sluipende Genocide in Papua


 Source Published:http://mens-en-samenleving.infonu.nl/
Er speelt zich een proces af van sluipende genocide op de westelijke helft van het eiland Nieuw-Guinea. Op het voormalige Nederlandse deel van Nieuw-Guinea, dat via een door velen als schandalig betiteld referendum in 1969 in Indonesische handen kwam, zijn veel politieke moorden gepleegd. Maar de Indonesische militairen hebben zich ook schuldig gemaakt aan massamoorden.

De Biak-massamoord is een trieste gebeurtenis die destijds in de reguliere media voorkwam. De meeste moorden zijn echter nooit in de krant verschenen. Daarvoor zijn verschillende redenen aan te voeren. Ten eerste mogen er geen journalisten naar het Indonesische Papua. De regering en de militaire leiding zijn bang dat journalisten gaan schrijven over de misstanden die plaats vinden in de Indonesische provincie. Een
tweede reden is dat er vrijwel geen hulporganisaties worden toe gelaten in Papua. Een derde reden is dat de kerken, de Papua´s zijn christelijk, geen bekendheid geven aan de onderdrukking van de Papua´s. Een vierde reden is dat de Papua´s geen eensluidende groep mensen zijn, maar dat er verschillen bestaan tussen Papua´s onderling in hun opvatting en visie.

Dit huis is één van de vele huizen op Biak die voor bestuursambtenaren bestemd waren, maar nadat gebleken is dat ze met corruptiegeld gebouwd zijn staan ze leeg. Er is een wijk met leegstaande villa´s en een nooit gebruikte shopping mall.
Dit huis is één van de vele huizen op Biak die voor bestuursambtenaren bestemd waren, maar nadat gebleken is dat ze met corruptiegeld gebouwd zijn staan ze leeg. Er is een wijk met leegstaande villa´s en een nooit gebruikte shopping mall.

Biak-massamoord

Op 1 juli 1998 vond er een grote demonstratie plaats in Biak tegen de Indonesische overheersing. De Papua-demonstranten hadden de morgenster-vlag gehesen. De demonstratie duurde 5 dagen. Op een gegeven moment begon het Indonesische leger een aanval in te zetten op de demonstranten. Vrouwen en jonge meisjes werden gemarteld terwijl de mannen toe moesten kijken. De TNI, het Indonesische leger dwong 100 demonstranten plaats te nemen in bootjes. De dagen daarna spoelden lijken aan, of werden lijken aangetroffen in visnetten. Het leger zei dat het slachtoffers waren van een tsunami 1000 kilometer verderop. De inwoners van Biak wisten wel beter. De regering heeft nooit onderzoek naar de massamoord op Biak gedaan en er is nooit een legerofficier berechtigd.

De Morgenster

In Indonesië kun je levenslange gevangenisstraf krijgen voor het hijsen van een niet-Indonesische vlag. De Papua morgenster-vlag heeft jarenlang gewapperd naast de Nederlandse vlag. De Nederlanders hadden de bedoeling om de Papua´s onafhankelijkheid te geven, maar hebben dat streven onder internationale, vooral Amerikaanse druk laten varen. Papua is rijk aan waardevolle grondstoffen zoals koper, goud en uranium. Een Amerikaans mijnbedrijf is sinds de overdracht in 1969 werkzaam op het eiland. De schatkist van Indonesië wordt voor een heel groot deel gevuld door belastinginkomsten uit Papua. De Papua´s zelf hebben nog nooit één cent gezien van de lucratieve mijnopbrengsten.

Michel Maas

In Papua kwam ik journalist Michel Maas tegen. Hij werkt voor de Volkskrant en is commentator voor televisie en radio. Hij vertelde dat hij al 2 jaar bezig was met een vergunning te krijgen voor Papua. Uiteindelijk mocht hij er twee weken zijn. Tijdens deze weken moest hij zich elke dag melden op het politiebureau. Daar werd hij dagelijks 4 á 5 uur vast gehouden voor formaliteiten. Elke beweging die hij zette in Papua werd op de voet gevolgd door de autoriteiten. Alleen in zijn eigen hotel werd hij ongemoeid gelaten. Het was dus vrijwel onmogelijk voor hem om op onderzoek uit te gaan. De meeste journalisten zijn niet in de gelegenheid om 2 jaar te wachten voordat hun aanvraag wordt goed gekeurd, dus het land is nagenoeg gesloten voor journalisten.

Voormalig Hollandia, na veel naamswijzigingen, o.a. Jayapura, schijnt het nu Port Numbai te heten.
Voormalig Hollandia, na veel naamswijzigingen, o.a. Jayapura, schijnt het nu Port Numbai te heten.

Rode Kruis

Zelfs het Rode Kruis mag er geen medewerkers naar toe sturen. De directe aanleiding hiervoor was dat twee jaar geleden de Rode Kruismedewerkers beschuldigd werden gevangenen te hebben bezocht die op hun beurt beschuldigd werden van separatistische activiteiten. In Papua zijn vrijheidsstrijders actief in de OPM, de Organisasi Papua Merdeka. Het Rode Kruis had een kantoortje geopend in de hoofdstad Jayapura waar ze vele gevangenen hielpen. Volgens het Rode Kruis maakten ze niet speciaal voor separatisten een bezoek aan de gevangenis, maar meer om gevangenen in het algemeen te bezoeken.

AIDS-Import

Een belangrijke manier van sluipende genocide verrichten in Papua is het importeren van AIDS-prostituees. De Papua´s worden door het leger getrakteerd op prostituees die aan AIDS leiden. Hierdoor krijgen veel Papua´s HIV, om zo de ziekte verder te verspreiden. In dit deel van Indonesië woont het hoogste percentage HIV-besmette mensen. De Indonesische overheid erkent dat er veel HIV-besmettingen zijn maar zegt daarbij niet dat dat komt doordat ze de ziekte via prostituees importeren.

Traditioneel houtsnijwerk uit Papua. De kustpapua´s maakten 500 jaar geleden al metalen sieraden en dreven handel met Molukse eilanden.
Traditioneel houtsnijwerk uit Papua. De kustpapua´s maakten 500 jaar geleden al metalen sieraden en dreven handel met Molukse eilanden.

Dorpen Plat Branden

Een andere manier waarop genocide plaats vindt is het plat branden van dorpen die afgelegen in het oerwoud liggen. De stammen leven vaak al eeuwenlang in hetzelfde gebied. Soms bestaat een dorp maar uit 200 man. Deze zijn een gemakkelijk doelwit voor het Indonesische leger. De meeste dorpelingen proberen te vluchten in het oerwoud. Degene die dat lukt durven hun dorp niet meer te herbouwen en leiden noodgedwongen een zwervend bestaan. Het oerwoud in Nieuw-Guinea behoort tot de meest ondoordringbare oerwoudgebieden van de wereld. Het overleven in het oerwoud valt niet mee. Door deze terreur van het Indonesische leger zwerft er een groep Papua´s van 3000 man permanent door het oerwoud, op de vlucht voor de Indonesische militairen. Ze hebben zich verenigd in de OPM.

Demografisch Argument

De genocide in Papua doet zich sluipend voor middels door militairen geïmporteerde HIV-besmettingen en het plat branden van afgelegen dorpen. Ten tijde van Suharto was de genocide iets opzichtiger. Vele media spreken van 100.000 Papua-slachtoffers tijdens het Suharto-regime. Een belangrijk bewijs voor het huidige genocidaal proces is het demografisch argument. De demografie is een wetenschap die de bevolkingsopbouw naar leeftijd bestudeert. Een demografisch onderzoeker toonde in 2005 aan dat er 500.000 Papua´s ´missen´ ten opzichte van de bevolkingsgroei in het naburige Papua Nieuw Guinea. Maar niet iedere onderzoeker is het hiermee eens; een onderzoek van een Australische universiteit genaamd ´Genocide in Papua?´ gaat uit van 100.000 slachtoffers. Stel dat de laatste onderzoekers gelijk hebben, dan is het nog steeds bijzonder vreemd dat Indonesië niet wordt bestraft voor de genocide op Papua´s. Het zou logisch zijn als deze genocide aanhankelijk wordt gemaakt bij het Internationaal Gerechtshof in Den Haag.

De Stille Oceaan breekt een golf op de kust van Biak.
De Stille Oceaan breekt een golf op de kust van Biak.

Kerken

De kerken hebben een dubieuze rol gepeeld in Papua. Veel Papua´s zijn christelijk omdat de bijbelverhalen gedeeltelijk overeen komen of aansluiten bij hun natuurreligie. De zendelingen en missionarissen waren echter in 1969 voor aansluiting bij Indonesië in plaats van onafhankelijkheid. De kerken steunen de nieuwe kolonisator. Ze faciliteren bestuurlijke herverdeling door in nieuwe hoofdsteden internaten op te zetten. Dit deel van Indonesië is 12 keer zo groot als Nederland wat betekent dat bestuurders vaak enkele dagen op pad zijn om een ander gebied te bezoeken. De kinderen kunnen dan in de internaten verblijven. De Papua´s hebben geen belang bij bestuurlijke opdeling van hun land, dat volgens de Indonesische wetten allang een autonomie had moeten zijn. Het uitstellen van autonomie en de zinloze bestuurlijke herverdeling worden door de kerkelijke instituten ondersteund met het inrichten van internaten. Daarnaast hameren de priesters en dominees er voortdurend op dat de Papua´s beslist niet zelf hun land kunnen besturen. Dat is een vertekend beeld want de Nederlandse regering zag in de jaren 50 en 60 van de vorige eeuw onafhankelijkheid als een uitvoerbare realiteit. De Nederlanders zijn echter gedwarsboomd in hun plannen om de Papua´s onafhankelijkheid te geven door Amerika. President John F. Kennedy en zijn broer Robert hebben Indonesië politiek en militair gesteund in hun expansiedrift naar Papua.

Christendom in Papua

De leer die de kerk verkondigt is gestoeld op het aanvaarden van autoriteit. In de kerken leren de Papua´s dat ze hun lot moeten accepteren. Hierdoor wordt het idee van zelf-autonomie, waar iedere bevolking recht op heeft, ondergraven. Ook schilderen dominees en priesters de Papua´s maar al te graag af als een groep wilden die sturing nodig hebben. Veel Papua´s zijn christelijk omdat de Nederlanders van wie ze nog steeds veel houden, christelijk waren. De belangrijkste reden om christelijk te zijn is dat de rest van Indonesië moslim is. Hierdoor zetten de Papua´s zich af van de Islamitische autoriteit. Christen-zijn betekent anti-islam en anti-Indonesië zijn. De eerste Papua die zich bekeerd tot de Islam moet nog geboren worden. De retoriek die christenen en moslims tegen elkaar gebruiken wordt door de kerken gebruikt om Papua´s voor zich te winnen. Helaas kunnen de kerken de Papua´s niet de bevrijding geven waar ze naar op zoek zijn.

Minggu, 25 Desember 2011

Surat Terbuka gereja-geraja Papua untuk SBY

PIMPINAN GEREJA-GEREJA DI TANAH PAPUA


Menangani Bayi Nasionalisme (Separatisme) Papua Sebagai Hasil “Perkawinan Paksa” Jakarta – Papua
Jakarta Sebagai Penabur dan Pengguna Benih Separatisme Papua
(Pesan Profetis Gereja-Gereja se-Tanah Papua)

Yawan Wayeni, dibunuh pada tanggal 13 Agustus 2009 Oleh Imam Setiawan (mantan Kapolres Yapen), kini Wakil Direktur Lalu Lintas Polda Papua

“Ya Allah, berikanlah hukumMu kepada raja dan keadilanMu kepada putera raja. Kiranya ia mengadili umatMu dengan keadilan dan orang-orangMu  yang tertindas dengan hukum. Kiranya gunung-gunung membawa damai sejahtera bagi bangsa dan bukit-bukit membawa kebenaran. Kiranya ia memberi keadilan kepada orang-orang yang tertindas dari bangsa itu, menolong orang-orang miskin tetapi meremukkan pemeras-pemeras (Mazmur 72: 1-4)”

Pertama-tama, kami menyampaikan banyak terima kasih kepada Bapak Presiden Republik Indonesia,
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono yang telah membuka diri dan memberi waktu kepada kami di tengah-tengah padatnya kesibukan negara dalam menghadapi berbagai permasalahan Nasional lainnya. Kedatangan kami pada hari ini difasilitasi oleh Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Indonesia karena beberapa peristiwa historis yang penting di masa lalu.
  • Pertama, pernyataan Ketua I Sinode GKI di Tanah Papua, Domine F.J.S Rumainum, dalam Sidang Raya ke-3 Dewan Gereja se-Dunia pada Juli 1961 di New Delhi, India bahwa “Gereja Kristen Injili di Papua ada bersama dengan Dewan Gereja Indonesia”. Pernyataan ini terjadi lima bulan sebelum Trikora, 19 Desember 1961.
  • Kedua, laporan dari Tim Oikumenis Dewan Gereja se-Dunia dan Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Indonesia kepada Presiden B.J. Habibie pada tanggal 25 September 1998 bahwa rakyat Papua ingin berdaulat sebagai negara.
  • Ketiga, Sidang Raya PGI ke-15 di Mamasa, Sulawesi Tengah 2009 mengeluarkan 11 rekomendasi tentang Papua, antara lain: perlunya penegakkan hukum dan HAM di Papua, penghapusan stigma separatisme, dorongan untuk diadakannya dialog nasional Papua-Jakarta sebagai mekanisme demokratis penyelesaian masalah Papua.
Dengan berpijak pada ketiga peristiwa ini, empat Pimpinan Gereja yang mewakili 2/3 penduduk asli Papua pada hari ini menyatakan bahwa penyelesaian masalah Papua harus melibatkan peranan Gereja-Gereja di Papua maupun di Indonesia.

Alasan Kehadiran Pimpinan Gereja: Akar Persoalan Konflik dan Kekerasan di Tanah Papua
Berangkat dari ajaran Kitab Suci (Mazmur 72:1-4) yang dikutib di atas dan peran PGI tadi, kami ingin menyampaikan kepada Bapak bahwa kami sebagai Pimpinan Gereja Papua hadir di sini karena: kekerasan yang terus terjadi terkait bangkitnya Nasionalisme Papua (pemerintah menyebutnya sebagai “separatisme”). Kami, Pimpinan Gereja Papua memandang lahirnya ‘Bayi Nasionalisme’ (separatisme) Papua ini sebagai hasil ‘Perkawinan Paksa’ Jakarta – Papua yang proses sejarahnya tercatat sebagai berikut:
  • 19 Desember 1961, Soekarno yang secara sepihak menguburkan embrio satu negara Papua Barat yang ditetapkan pada 1 Desember 1961 dengan mengumandangkan Trikora; sekaligus menyingkirkan Komite Nasional Papua yang telah mempersiapkan terbentuknya Negara Papua dengan menetapkan simbol-simbol negara yaitu, (a) Bendera Kebangsaan Papua, Bintang Fajar, (b) Lagu Kebangsaan Papua, Hai Tanahku Papua, dan (c) Lambang Negara adalah Burung Mambruk;
  • 15 Agustus 1962, Indonesia dan Belanda (tanpa keterlibatan wakil rakyat Papua) menandatangani Perjanjian New York;
  • 1 Oktober 1962, Pemerintah Belanda menyerahkan administrasi pemerintahan kepada UNTEA;
  • 1 Mei 1963, UNTEA menyerahkan administrasi pemerintahan ke RI tanpa keterlibatan rakyat Papua;
  • Juli-Agustus 1969, Pemerintah merekayasa PEPERA (Act of Free Choice menjadi Act of No Choice) untuk mengintegrasikan Papua ke Indonesia.
  • Kami mencatat hasil-hasil dari Kongres Rakyat Papua ke-3 pada 19 Oktober 2011 yang telah mereafirmasi gerakan pembebasan rakyat Papua melalui peristiwa 1 Desember 1961 dan kelanjutannya pada Kongres Rakyat Papua I, Musyawarah Besar Rakyat Papua dan Kongres Rakyat Papua II tentang lahirnya PDP dan Panel-Panel sebagai bentuk-bentuk ekspresi dari sebuah gerakan pembebasan rakyat Papua dari semua bentuk-bentuk kekerasan yang mengarah pada suatu bentuk penjajahan sistematis.
Kami menilai peristiwa-peristiwa  sejarah ini yang tidak melibatkan rakyat Papua ini sebagai akar masalah Papua (kekerasan: historis) yang melandasi konflik di Tanah Papua yang terus terjadi sampai dewasa ini.
Wajah Kekerasan Pemerintah Orde Baru 1969 -1998
Setelah  (kekerasan) Act of Free Choice tahun 1969 yang direkayasa,  pemerintah melaksanakan pembangunan di Papua yang dalam kenyataan,  diterima oleh umat kami sebagai kekerasan multi wajah seperti berikut:
  • Pembangunan bias pendatang  (yang kami menilai sebagai kekerasan ideologis) yang berakibat marginalisasi terhadap penduduk asli Papua, karena dalam kerangka demikian  eksistensi, identitas dan masa depan rakyat Papua tidak diperhitungkan;  semua yang dikerjakan di Papua atas nama pembangunan adalah untuk kepentingan NKRI, seperti di bawah ini:
  • Operasi-operasi militer sejak awal tahun 1960an sampai hari ini; operasi inteligen, status DOM untuk mengamankan pembangunan bias pendatang tadi
  • Kekerasan ekonomi, sosial dan budaya, eksploitasi sumber daya alam
  • Kekerasan pencitraan berupa stigma “ Papua bodoh, separatis, malas, koteka, Gereja Papua mendukung Papua merdeka, Papua komsumtif”, dan lain-lain
  • Kekerasan kultural, yang terlihat dengan  pelarangan buku Papua tentang sejarah dan kebudayaan Papua.
Pembangunan Era Otonomi Khusus:
Saat Otonomi khusus mulai dilaksanakan, kami sebagai Pimpinan Gereja berharap: pemerintah akan jedah; kekerasan akan berhenti. Papua akan pulih secara bertahap. Tetapi justru dalam suasana Otonomi Khusus kekerasan neagara meningkat. Gambaran berikut mencerminkan kekerasan yang dialami umat sejak Otsus diberlakukan.
  • Pemekaran Provinsi Irian Jaya Barat/ Papua Barat;
  • MRP yang dilumpuhkan;
  • Kekerasan Militer yang terus berlanjut seperti yang terlihat dengan: (a) pembangunan /penambahan Batalyon (di Merauke, Nabire dan Wamena);  (b) pelanggaran HAM berat sebagaimana yang terlihat dalam kasus: Wasior (Juni –Juli 2001), Penculikan dan Pembunuhan Theys Eluay (10 November 2001), Peristiwa Wamena (6 Oktober 2000, 2 April 2003); operasi militer di Mantembu-Serui, yang mengakibatkan terbunuhnya warga sipil  Yawan Wayeni pada tanggal 13 Agustus 2009), kekerasan Kapeso (Juni 2010) Abepura Berdarah (Desember 2001, 16 Maret 2006) penembakan/ pembunuhan Pasca Kongres Papua III (19 Oktober 2011);
  • Otsus yang tidak didukung oleh Perdasi dan Perdasus;
  • Pembunuhan Terhadap para Hamba Tuhan (seperti: Pdt. Elisa Tabuni, Agustus 2011;  Pdt. Kinderman Gire, Maret 2011) stigma separatis terhadap Gereja (GKI, Kingmi dan Baptis Papua);
  • Pembiaran terhadap penyimpangan dana Otsus;
  • Pelayanan kesehatan yang buruk, gizi buruk dan penderita HIV/ AIDS yang terus meningkat;
  • Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan Papua yang tinggi, angka kematian ibu dan anak Papua amat tinggi, dan angka pengidap HIV/AIDS pada perempuan dan anak Papua semakin meningkat;
  • Pendidikan yang tidak berkualitas menyebabkan rendahnya SDM Papua;
  • Arus migran yang terus meningkat dan populasi Orang Asli Papua yang tidak bertambah;
  • Diskriminasi dan marginalisasi terhadap Papua di segala bidang kehidupan;
  • Penanganan terhadap Kongres Rakyat Papua yang dengan pendekatan militeristis;

Dampak Kekerasan Atas Nama Pembangunan: Lahirnya Nasionalisme  (Separatisme)
Pengalaman umat kami menjalani  pembangunan yang berwajah kekerasan ini; yang dilakukan secara sistematis dan terencana dengan bantuan masyarakat internasional secara terus-menerus melahirkan “nasionalisme Papua” (menurut Pemerintah Indonesia: separatisme). Kami pimpinan Gereja menilai apa yang sedang  dialami umat ini; tidak bedanya dengan yang dialami orang pribumi di Jawa dan Sumatera dalam tahun 1900an; yang melahirkan nasionalisme orang-orang pribumi Jawa yang mendorong semangat kebangsaan Indonesia. Nasionalisme Jawa (dalam pandangan Belanda yang kebijakannya mempora-porandakan kehidupan orang pribumi Jawa, Sumatera dst adalah “separatisme”).
Sekali lagi, kekerasan-kekerasan ini yang telah lama terjadi (tanpa penyelesaian), melahirkan dan menyuburkan: Nasionalisme Papua, yang menurut kami, perasaan bahwa kami (Orang Asli Papua) tidak diakui, dan tidak diterima sebagai manusia yang setara dalam hukum. Kami “orang asli Papua” bukan bagian dari masyarakat Indonesia, seperti halnya nasionalisme Soekarno, Moh Hata dll, yang lahir dan bertumbuh dalam konteks penindasan dan kekerasan penjajah Belanda.

Keprihatinan Gereja
Keprihatinan kami sebagai Pimpinan Gereja dalam konteks demikian berangkat dari ajaran Kitab Suci kami (Mazmur 72:1-4) ialah nasionalisme (atau separatisme) ini kemudian dijadikan  sebagai dasar untuk membenarkan pengiriman dan penggunaan pendekatan Keamanan; yang pada gilirannya sedang melahirkan pemusnahan etnis.

Sejumlah Pertanyaan Pimpinan Gereja Kepada  Pemerintah
Berhadapan dengan kenyataan: mata rantai kekerasan tanpa akhir seperti itu yang melahirkan (menyuburkan Nasionalisme Papua), kami Pimpinan Gereja ingin menyampaikan beberapa pertanyaan kepada Bapak Presiden RI:
Kapan pemerintah ini berefleksi dan menghentikan politik “lempar batu sembunyi tangan” menghadapi nasionalisme Papua yang lahir karena tidak tahan menghadapi sistem penindasan Negara? Kapan Pemerintah Indonesia ini  menjadi dewasa dan duduk dan melibatkan ahli dan pakar-pakar nasional dan internasional bisa mengambil tanggung jawab “mengurus bayi nasionalisme Papua tadi.
Apakah UP4B yang dibuat secara sepihak: tanpa  melibatkan semua unsur masyarakat Papua itu bisa menyelesaikan masalah Papua?
  • Apakah UP4B yang dibuat secara sepihak:tanpa menyinggung akar persoalan Papua: Pepera / Act of Free Choice yang itu bisa menyelesaikan masalah Papua?
  • Apakah UP4B yang dibuat secara sepihak:tanpa menyinggung pelanggaran HAM/keadilan itu bisa menyelesaikan masalah Papua?
  • Apakah UP4B yang dibuat secara sepihak: tanpa menyinggung kebijakan pembangunan “bias pendatang” itu bisa menyelesaikan masalah Papua?
  • Apakah UP4B yang dibuat secara sepihak:tanpa menyinggung tuntutan rakyat Papua dewasa ini untuk berdialog yang juga didukung banyak kalangan di luar negeri itu bisa menyelesaikan masalah Papua?
Kami berpendapat Pemerintah Indonesia sepakat dengan umat Tuhan di Tanah Papua bahwa Otonomi khusus telah gagal. Dan UP4B yang dibuat pemerintah yang statusnya lebih rendah dari UU Otsus ini adalah solusi sepihak dari pemerintah dalam menyelesaikan masalah Papua. Kapan pemerintah duduk mendengar jalan keluar yang disiapkan oleh umat Tuhan di Papua dalam menyikapi Otonomi Khusus yang gagal itu?

REKOMENDASI
Dalam rangka menyikapi “bayi nasionalisme” yang lahir dalam konteks pemerintahan yang berwajah kekerasan di atas, kami Pimpinan Gereja di Tanah  Papua telah mengeluarkan Komunike Bersama Pimpinan Gereja (10 Januari 2011), Deklarasi Teologi (pada tanggal 26 Januari 2011) yang menyatakan bahwa Pemerintah Indonesia telah gagal membangun orang asli Papua (kecuali melahirkan dan menyuburkan aspirasi Papua merdeka);  dan tidak punya niat  untuk memutuskan mata rantai kekerasan ini.
Sehingga untuk keluar dari lingkaran kekerasan ini, kami Pimpinan Gereja  mendukung pernyataan Bapak Presiden RI (pada 6 November 2004) saat menerima Delegasi Gubernur Provinsi Papua bahwa  masalah Papua akan diselesaikan secara adil, konprehensif dan bermartabat. Janji yang sama Bapak Presiden sampaikan dalam Pidato kenegaraan pada tanggal 16 Agustus 2008, 16 Agustus 2010 dan yang terakhir pada tanggal 16 Agustus 2011 bahwa, “menata Papua dengan hati, adalah  kunci dari semua langkah untuk menyukseskan pembangunan Papua”. Dalam semangat ini dan ajaran Kitab Suci yang telah dikutip di atas, maka kami merekomendasikan hal-hal sebagai berikut.
(a)    Kami meminta Pemerintah membuka diri menggelar DIALOG yang inklusif, tanpa syarat, yang adil, bermartabat dan komprehensif dengan rakyat Papua, dengan dimediasi oleh pihak ketiga yang netral.
(b)   Dalam rangka menuju dialog dimaksud, kami mendesak Bapak Presiden untuk segera:
  • b.1. menghentikan Operasi Tuntas Matoa 2011 yang sedang berlangsung di Paniai sejak tanggal 12 Desember yang telah menewaskan 14 orang, melukai puluhan lainnya dan membakar kampung-kampung;
  • b.2. Menarik pasukan non-organik dari Papua;
  • b.3. Membebaskan para tahanan politik; dan
  • b.4. Mencabut Peraturan Pemerintah No. 77/2007 tentang larangan penggunaan simbol-simbol bernuansa separatis di Aceh, Maluku dan Papua.
(c)    Agenda menyelamatkan Otsus Papua dan UP4B yang akan dijalankan, kami nyatakan sebagai kerja sepihak Pemerintah Indonesia yang tidak demokratis karena dilahirkan tanpa partisipasi rakyat Papua.
(d)   Dengan adanya nasionalisme Papua yang sudah terbangun lama dan dipicu oleh berbagai kekerasan dan ketidakdilan sistematis, maka kami Gereja-Gereja Papua menyampaikan kepada Bapak Presiden bahwa keinginan rakyat Papua untuk merdeka dan berdaulat telah mengkristal. Gereja-Gereja Universal dalam solidaritasnya dengan Gereja-Gereja dan suara Umat Tuhan di Tanah Papua telah merekomendasikan hak untuk menentukan nasib sendiri (the right for self determination) rakyat Papua.
Demikian pernyataan kami, Pemimpin Gereja-Gereja di Tanah Papua sebagai pesan profetis di hari Natal kepada rakyat dan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia. Tuhan memberkati.

Jakarta, 16 Desember 2011
Hormat kami,

Ketua Sinode GKI di Tanah Papua
Pdt. Jemima  M. Krey, S.Th


Ketua Sinode Kingmi di Tanah Papua
Pdt. Dr. Benny Giay

Ketua Umum Badan Pelayan Pusat Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja Baptis Papua
Pdt. Socratez Sofyan Yoman, MA


Majelis Umum (Sinode Nasional) Gereja Kristen Alkitab Indonesia
Ketua Umum
Pdt. Dr. Martin Luther Wanma

Minggu, 09 Oktober 2011

West Papua: Stop the Slow-Motion Genocide

West Papua: Stop the Slow-Motion Genocide*

We first met Benny Wenda in April 2011 when he attended the Lush communications meeting in Bournemouth. Benny is to West Papua what Nelson Mandela is to South Africa - a freedom fighter, a tireless advocate for justice and an inspirational ambassador for his people.
We sat and chatted with Benny for hours, and what came across was that he is fiercely passionate in his views, but also that he is unbelievably humble and has a great sense of humour and incredibly infectious giggle. Benny also walks with a limp, the result of violence by the Indonesian military that he was subjected to as a child. Benny’s story is indicative of what is happening in West Papua, far from the gaze of the international community, cut off from the rest of the world with, amongst other things, a total ban on all foreign journalists and most international aid and human rights organisations.
West Papuans have been struggling for independence and self-determination (the principle enshrined in international law which says nations have the right to freely choose how their country will be run without interference) ever since Indonesia seized control of the region in 1962,
just as the West Papuans were preparing for indepedence from the Netherlands. By 1969 there was widespread resistance to Indonesian rule. It was agreed with the UN that a referendum would take place to give all West Papuans the choice of either remaining part of Indonesia or becoming an independent nation. However, just 1,026 West Papuans, of a population of over a million, were hand picked by Indonesia to vote in the referendum, known ironically as the Act of Free Choice. Reports show that people were coerced into voting to be ruled by Indonesia through violence and intimidation. This is now dubbed by Papuan's "the Act of NO Choice".
For the last 40 years many of the people of West Papua have been beaten, tortured, raped and imprisoned at the hands of the Indonesian forces and the industrial interests they represent. Through the veil of secrecy enforced by the military exact figures are hard to gauge, but it is estimated that hundreds of thousands of West Papuans have been killed in what many believe is genocide. We are standing up in solidarity with those struggling for an end to the oppression and violence and supporting calls for freedom for West Papua.
Lush store windows will all be proudly displaying the Morning Star flag that was to be the national flag of a free and independent West Papua. It is now illegal for West Papuans to display the flag; doing so can result in lengthy prison sentences. We are calling for the immediate release of Filep Karma (who was jailed for 15 years for raising the Morning Star flag at a rally in 2004) and all other prisoners of conscience. We are supporting calls for a review of the flawed 1969 Act of Free Choice, and to have a true referendum with a free and inclusive vote for all West Papuans so they can determine their own future.
Please support this campaign by sending the following email to the Indonesian Ambassador in London (email address: kbri@btconnect.com):
Ambassador,
I was shocked to discover that Indonesia JAILED West Papuan, FILEP KARMA for 15 YEARS for peacefully raising the West Papuan flag in December 2004, and for years was denied access to urgently needed medical treatment during his time in prison. Amnesty International has recognised Filep as a PRISONER of CONSCIENCE.
I am calling on the Government of Indonesia to RELEASE him IMMEDIATELY, and also for the immediate release of all other political prisoners who are being held for peaceful flag-raisings, and for calling for the respect of their human rights, justice and freedom in West Papua. I stand united behind these brave individuals.
I am also calling for all West Papuans to be given a free and fair vote in an act of self-determination, so that they can decide the future of their country. It is a right that they have always been denied.
Papua Merdeka!
Please also support the Free West Papua campaign and sign up for their email alerts, follow them on Twitterand friend them on Facebook.
We believe in what Martin Luther King said: “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”. Let’s stand together against injustice and demand Freedom for West Papua!
A brief history
West Papua is the western half of the second largest island in the world (the eastern part is Papua New Guinea) and lies just 100 miles to the North of Australia. For centuries the whole region was subject to Dutch colonial rule. But as the old empires gave their conquered territories back and control reverted to the indigenous people who lived there, Indonesia laid claim to neighbouring West Papua. It’s worth pointing out at this stage that West Papuans are not culturally or racially related to the people of Indonesia, they are Melanesians, a group of peoples from Pacific islands ranging from Papua to Fiji. As such the people of West Papua already had strong claim to their own independent nation, and had formed an interim government, judiciary, constitution, national anthem and flag, the iconic Morning Star. This was something that was supported by the Dutch, but which was ultimately to fail, with Indonesia backed by the US running the sham “Act of free choice” referendum in 1969, which was the decisive act that would be a watershed moment to mark the beginning of decades of oppression.
Benny’s Story
Benny told us about growing up in West Papua and how he came to speak out against what is happening there, how he ended up in prison and how he escaped and came to Britain. His accounts are enormously harrowing, but they are important in understanding why we must all support his calls for a free West Papua.
Growing up in a remote highland village, Benny lived with his family and Lani people, tending to their gardens and living in peace with each other and their natural surroundings. In 1977 their tranquil life came to an end, when the Indonesian military came to the region and forcefully asserted their authority over the people living there. Soldiers regularly stopped Benny and his family on their way to tend their gardens. The women were raped, often in front of the children. Many young women, including three of Benny’s aunts died as a result of these brutal attacks. In response to this violence 15,000 Lani people rebelled, and the Indonesian air force launched counter-strikes, bombing Lani villages, including Benny’s. It was a bombing raid that left Benny, still a child, with a serious leg injury and suffering with pain that still afflicts him today.
The people fled into the forests to escape and lived in hiding. Life was extremely difficult, and many people died as a result of the lack of food and adequate shelter and at the hands of the Indonesian military, who continued to pursue, rape and kill those people hiding in the forests. The only way out of this dire situation was for people to give themselves over to the Indonesians, to make themselves subject to their rule and renounce their traditional ways of life and customs. After 5 years in the jungle, Benny’s family could take no more, and gave themselves up to the Indonesian authorities.
Benny then went to a high school where he was only one of two Papuans. He was taught only about Indonesian history and culture, and the other students and teachers called him stupid and dirty. Benny was subject to daily racist abuse because he was Papuan, yet he didn’t understand why he and his family were being treated this way. Determined to find out, Benny sought out information through school and university libraries, but found nothing written about Papuan history and culture, even the name Papua had been expunged from the history books and replaced with Irian Jaya. So instead he sought out other West Papuans, and pieced together their history through sharing with them.
Benny then became active in the independence movement in West Papua, and in 1999 became the representative of the group of elders of a prominent pro-independence group. He was an outspoken critic of Indonesia, something which carried with it enormous risk. Other leaders of the independence movement had been imprisoned and even killed by the Indonesian military. In 2002 Benny was arrested and thrown into jail. His first 2 months were in solitary confinement and prison guards tortured and beat him during this time. He was then falsely accused of organising violent protests and put on trial. This trial was a sham from the beginning, with the judge and prosecution asking for bribes, clearly fraudulent evidence being accepted and indications that there were plans to make sure that Benny was locked up for good or executed. Thankfully, through inside help, Benny was able to escape from prison and was smuggled across the boarder to Papua New Guinea and from there made his way to Britain, where he was granted asylum.
Ever since Benny has been travelling around the world trying to get the plight of his people heard, in parliament, law courts, seminars, lectures and protests. He has managed to get members of Parliament and prominent lawyersto support him. Internationally there is growing recognition that what is happening in West Papua is both illegal and immoral and that we cannot continue to allow this to continue. Benny Wenda deserves all of our attention, help and support in his struggle for justice and freedom.
*The term “slow-motion genocide” was coined by academics at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney. It is estimated that up to 400,000 West Papuans may have been killed since Indonesian occupation. Read more>>http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/news